The war in Ukraine has reshaped not only geopolitics but also the digital battlefield. A new report from CNA, βHacking and Firewalls Under Siege: Russiaβs Cyber Industry During the War on Ukraineβ, highlights how Russian private cybersecurity firms are deeply entwined with the Kremlinβs cyber operations.
According to the report, βThe Russian βcyber webβ is complex, shifting, and often opaque, encompassing state-encouraged βpatriotic hackers,β independent developers, and state-recruited cybercriminal groups, among many other actors.β While much attention has been focused on the stateβs intelligence agenciesβthe FSB, SVR, and GRUβprivate firms have become just as critical to Russiaβs cyber arsenal.
These firms arenβt merely passive contractors. CNA notes that private companies are supplying both defensive and offensive services, from intrusion detection to exploit development. As the report explains, βPrivate cyber firms in Russia occupy an important role in this ecosystemβ¦ supporting defensive operations, supplying defensive technologies, providing defense-oriented threat intelligence, identifying vulnerabilities for offensive operations, [and] assisting with offensive operations.β
The report dives into three firmsβKaspersky, Security Code, and Positive Technologiesβto illustrate the spectrum of cooperation between the Kremlin and private industry.
- Kaspersky: Once a globally trusted antivirus company, Kaspersky has been repeatedly accused of quietly aiding Russian intelligence. CNA highlights how it was βsanctioned by the United States, banned from federal government systems, and identified by Germany, Poland, and others as a potential national security threat.β Despite this, the company has thrived outside the West, opening βtransparency centersβ and expanding into Latin America and Asia.
- Security Code: Unlike Kaspersky, Security Code operates primarily within Russia, providing cryptographic solutions, secure firewalls, and training programs. The report reveals that βmost of its clients are those protecting βcritical information infrastructure,β a Russian legal term for entities handling information systems, networks, and technologies that are critical to the stateβs security.β This defensive focus has insulated the company from Western media scrutiny but cemented its role in Russiaβs wartime resilience.
- Positive Technologies: Perhaps the most concerning, Positive Technologies has been directly linked to Russian intelligence operations. CNA states that it βsupports offensive operations, reportedly by reverse engineering Western capabilities and turning vulnerabilities into exploits.β Its annual hacking conference has also become a recruitment ground for the FSB and GRU, drawing tens of thousands of participants and boosting Russiaβs cyber talent pipeline.
The Kremlinβs reliance on private companies provides plausible deniability. As the report notes, βThe Kremlin benefits from having a wide group of cyber actors to draw upon. Such actors offer the Kremlin deniability (even if implausible) for operations, the ability to locate their own technical operations and infrastructure outside of state hands, [and] a wide talent base.β This blurring of lines between state and non-state actors makes attribution difficult and responses more complicated for the West.
The report concludes with a warning for policymakers and defenders: Russian private firms are not just victims of sanctions or collateral players in the conflict. Some are βdirectly supporting the Russian governmentβs offensive cyber operations, making them direct security risks for the United States and the West.β Others, by shoring up Russiaβs defensive posture, extend the longevity of its cyber campaigns.
CNA suggests three critical questions for the future:
- How can companies better identify Russian providers in supply chains and determine whether they present risks?
- In which regions and markets are Russian cyber firms expanding the most, and what can their sales pitches and successes teach the United States and the West?
- What would a more analytically robust, comprehensive assessment of possible Russian private company support for the Kremlin look like?
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